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Child abuse: The “Penal Code” does not explicitly prohibit child abuse, but it does prohibit child sexual abuse, which carries a penalty of up to six years in prison. Cases of child abuse have been reported. As with family violence, there are social and cultural barriers to addressing these issues. The authorities did not always enforce “laws” effectively, and employers used children, mostly from Turkey, as workers, mainly with their families in agriculture, manufacturing, automotive, and construction. NGOs reported that children worked in hazardous conditions, such as on construction sites, and were exposed to heavy physical labour despite “legal” prohibitions. One NGO reported that some employers had delayed the application for work permits for seasonal workers from Turkey, thus preventing workers` children from having the right to local education. According to reports, the Turkish Cypriot authorities deported dozens of asylum-seekers during the year before UNHCR`s implementing partner could interview them to obtain the information needed to consider their asylum claims. Some potential asylum-seekers attempting to enter the area administered by the Turkish Cypriot authorities illegally were arrested, brought to trial and deported after serving their sentences. Before going into detail about the legal status of Greek and Turkish Cypriots, I would like to make an important point about my use of terminology in this Opinion. I understand that there are many discussions between Mr. Denktas, President of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, Mr Vassiliou, President of the (Greek) Republic of Cyprus, and the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr Pérez de Cuéllar, on how to refer to the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, both in their negotiations and in the new political order they want to establish in Cyprus. In my view, the question of whether these entities are referred to as communities, peoples, constituent parts, regimes or any other term has no determining or conclusive effect on their current international legal status.

The judiciary of Northern Cyprus is the judicial system that interprets and applies the law in northern Cyprus. The independence of the judiciary is guaranteed by the country`s constitution. Since 1974, the southern part of Cyprus has been under the control of the Government of the Republic of Cyprus. The northern part of Cyprus, administered by the Turkish Cypriots, declared itself the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” (“TRNC”) in 1983. The United States does not recognize the TRNC, nor any country other than Turkey. A considerable number of Turkish troops remained on the island. A buffer zone or “green line” patrolled by the United Nations peacekeeping force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) separates the two sides. The present report is divided into two parts: the Republic of Cyprus and the territory administered by the Turkish Cypriots. The legal rights of the Turkish Cypriot community are older and were manifested by the proclamation of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus in 1975. The Turkish Cypriots considered it necessary “to create in their own region the legal basis for a decree leading to the establishment of the future independent Federal Republic of Cyprus” and affirmed that “their ultimate goal is to unite with the Greek Cypriot community in a bi-regional federation”. 14 It describes precisely the form of the federal system on which the leaders of the two communities, meeting under the auspices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, subsequently agreed to negotiate in their four directives of 12 February 1977. Free movement: Asylum seekers cannot travel abroad because they cannot return due to their lack of “legal” status.

Material conditions: The only prison in the region, located in the northern part of Nicosia, has a declared capacity of 311 people. According to the authorities, additional rooms have been converted into cells and a bunk bed system has been installed, bringing the capacity of the “central prison” to 480 people. As of September, there were 528 prisoners and pre-trial detainees. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the Ombudsman reported that prison overcrowding remained a problem and that beds were crammed into the corridors of the “central prison”. The prison does not separate adults and juveniles, and there are no detention centres or penal institutions for children. Due to lack of space, remand prisoners and prisoners occupied the same cells. the creation of a democratic and secular State with a pluralistic party system based on social justice and aimed at protecting human rights and freedoms, the rule of law and the peace and well-being of individuals and communities; and According to the “TRNC Constitution”, accused detainees and prisoners have the fundamental right to access “lawful” representation. One lawyer said that central prison regulations prohibit solitary confinement inmates from meeting with a lawyer without the permission of the “prison director.” The “prison director” may refuse the visit without justification. According to the TCHRF, prison authorities threatened to punish the person with solitary confinement if they wanted a detainee, defendant or detainee not to talk to or meet with their family or lawyer. Authorities have not restricted or disrupted internet access, censored online content, and there have been no credible reports that they are monitoring private online communications without proper legal authorization.

Although technological advances have improved delivery methods, journalists have reported persistent difficulties in accessing public information. This practice of parallel autonomy and physical separation of the two Cypriot communities continued after the coup d`état of 15 July 1974, orchestrated by sections of the Greek Cypriot National Guard, but thwarted by the Turkish intervention that began on 20 July. In the Geneva Declaration of 30. In July 1974, the Foreign Ministers of Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom noted that, in practice, there were two self-governments in the Republic of Cyprus, that of the Greek Cypriot community and that of the Turkish Cypriot community. The Turkish intervention3 could not and did not change the same legal status of the two Cypriot communities resulting from the previous treaties and the Constitution; Nor is it the cause of the physical separation of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot peoples, who have lived as separate and autonomous communities since at least 1964. Censorship or content restrictions: Journalists are not allowed to interview or report on people under the control of the armed forces. The Turkish Cypriot Association of Journalists reported that the authorities had used these restrictions to prevent journalists from investigating valid issues such as suicides or allegations of police torture or assault within the army or police system. The “law” prohibits discrimination and the Vienna Convention III of 1975 remains the legal source of authority governing the treatment of the 320 Greek Cypriots and 73 Maronite residents in the territory administered by the Turkish Cypriot authorities. Similarly, the long-delayed decision of the Turkish Cypriot community in 1983 to declare itself an independent Republic of Northern Cyprus cannot diminish the right to self-determination, which the Turkish Cypriot people share on an equal footing with the Greek Cypriot people.

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